Response (Objection) to My Removal from Editorial Board

For those interested, I thought I would provide a quick update about my response (objection) to my removal from the Feminist Criminology Editorial Board. Quick reminder: I was removed because I published a peer-reviewed article in said journal that recognized the distinction between sex and gender and opposed the prioritization of in-the-moment gender self-ID over sex for access to all (formerly) sex-separated spaces, no exceptions. (See here for a description of situation.)

Last week I requested a review of the rationale and process of my removal from the editorial board. I directed this request for review of the process and justification to the Chair of the Division of Women and Crime (DWC), who convened with the DWC Executive Board (this is the group that voted to accept the recommendation of the (overlapping) Editorial Board Committee to remove me on the basis of my ‘WrongSpeak)’. The overlap is due to Dr. Vanessa Garcia, who basically served in multiple, non-independent, roles in this particular situation.

DWC Backdrop: Late last year, the DWC chair stepped down, chair-elect became chair, a vocal group on the listserv pressured all non-BIPOC non-LGBTQ Executive Board members to step down; they did, including the new chair. Vanessa Garcia became the acting (unelected) chair; she and the executive board members (some unelected) developed the new ‘diversity and inclusion statement’ and created a new ‘Editorial Board Committee’ to oversee the Feminist Criminology Editorial Board; (I’ve never heard of an editorial board committee), which she then appoints herself to serve on, serves on and recommends my removal, and then when the recommendation to remove me reaches the Executive Board, she then votes as a member in support of my removal.

On May 13, 2021, I wrote this to the Chair of the DWC

Naively, I believed that I would write this email, and they would recognize the lack of procedural justice, and we would have a healthy discussion and they would be willing to poll the members. Alas, no.

I received this response a week later.

I blocked emails and their names out of courtesy, but the board and committee membership information can be seen on the ASC’s Division of Women and Crime website.

I suppose I should no longer be shocked, but I am. The request was simple: allow me to have a voice in these one-sided proceedings, poll the membership to see if my removal was something that the membership would approve. Apparently, they do not just oppose free inquiry and oppose the airing of diverse viewpoints on important social issues related to women and crime, but also they are not interested in fair or democratic procedures.

Good to know.

Idaho HB500: Pro-Female not Anti-Trans

Similar versions of this piece appeared in the Idaho Statesman (see here) and the Post Register (see here)

On April 15, the ACLU filed a legal challenge to Idaho’s HB500, named the “Fairness in Women’s Sports Act’. This bill is the first of its kind, which seeks to maintain the sex separation of sport. Criticized as the discriminatory, hurtful, and anti-transgender, the ACLU suggested that this bill ‘bans trans girls from sports,” by “addressing a problem that does not exist.” Idaho ACLU Legal Director Ritchie Eppink noted that “we have been fighting this hateful, unconstitutional legislation since it was introduced.” They have been fighting it, but is it hateful, discriminatory, and anti-trans? No. Does it address a real problem? Yes.

Sports are separated by sex because of male-female biological differences of which we are all aware. Starting before puberty and accelerating thereafter, males are stronger, faster, and bigger than females, on average, and it is not close. Furthermore, this sex-difference isn’t about socialization or effort; it is about biology. Male physiology (muscle mass, greater hemoglobin, bone strength, hip shape, lower fat composition) is exceptionally advantageous for sport. For example, as Coleman and Shreve demonstrated, 400-meter Olympic champion Allyson Felix has her lifetime best time (49.26 seconds) beaten by more than 15,000 boys and men every year. The most lauded women’s sports team of this decade, the US Women’s National Soccer Team, was defeated by the FC Dallas boys age 15 and under team 5-2 before going on to win the Women’s World Cup later that year. If sports were not sex separated, there would be almost no female college athletes, no female professional athletes, and zero female Olympic athletes for the vast majority of sports (e.g., track, swimming, tennis, basketball, soccer, cycling, hockey, and so on). For female athletes to gain benefits from competitive sport, including the possibility of being on teams and winning occasionally, sports must be sex separated. This is not debatable.

Enter gender. In recent years, we have seen various countries and US jurisdictions pass or tacitly allow gender self-identification as a replacement for sex in a variety of arenas including sports. Many of these bills and efforts no doubt have good intentions, but they are misguided. Gender (identity) is not a synonym for sex. People who are transgender experience a ‘sex-gender mismatch’, but they still have a sex and it is on that basis that they are transgender. People should not be discriminated against on the basis of gender and transgender people deserve full human rights. There is, however no ‘human right’ to opposite-sex provisions. In other words, maintaining sex-based rights, including sex separated sports, is not discriminatory against people of the opposite sex (including transgender people).

To be clear, being transgender, non-binary, or agender should not be a basis for discriminatory treatment on the basis of gender, but sex-based rights are based on sex not gender. Females are not disadvantaged versus males in sport because of their gender—being feminine (some aren’t)—or because of their gender identity—they feel female (some don’t, they just are), but because of their sex. Allowing born males (trans girls or trans women) into girls’ and women’s sports makes no sense because gender is irrelevant to sport.

Finally, the ACLU and others have framed HB500 as a violation of civil liberties, but this too is misguided as we routinely verify individual attributes for a variety of purposes. In the same way that it is not a violation of civil liberties to check people’s eligibility for the Paralympic Games; verify age for age-group categories or buying alcohol, it is not a violation of civil liberties to verify sex for the purposes of maintaining the integrity of female sports. And, this does not require ‘invasive genital examinations’; in the exceptionally rare case this is in question, a cheek swab or bit of spittle will be sufficient for a genetic test.

Thus, although cast as ‘hateful’, Idaho’s HB500 is only ‘hateful’ if you think the sex-separation of sport is hateful (and, if so, then why aren’t you calling for unisex sports?). Furthermore, the ACLU claims HB500 bans trans girls from sport; that’s false. It bans born males from competitive female athletics, which is, in my view, justifiable policy based on the latest scientific evidence about male advantages in sport. Trans girls are still free to participate in unisex and friendly competitions.

I support Idaho HB500. Maybe you do not, but at the least, I urge you to consider on what basis it is ‘hateful’ to eliminate females’ sex-separated sports because trans people experience hardships. This is both unjustifiable and unnecessary. We can create third gender neutral (unisex) competitions; moreover, many non-elite unisex competitions exist along with many other fulfilling activities for people. There is no right to compete in categories that one does not fit based on self-identification Females’ sex-based rights matter, and for sports at least, gender is irrelevant.